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dc.contributor.authorΓουήλ-Μπαδιεριτάκη, Άνναel
dc.date.accessioned2023-06-07T11:21:53Z-
dc.date.available2023-06-07T11:21:53Z-
dc.identifier.urihttps://olympias.lib.uoi.gr/jspui/handle/123456789/32840-
dc.identifier.urihttp://dx.doi.org/10.26268/heal.uoi.12641-
dc.rightsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 United States*
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess*
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/us/*
dc.subjectΠαραδοσιακό πουκάμισοel
dc.subjectΗπειρωτική Ελλάδαel
dc.subjectΠαραδοσιακή εδνυμασίαel
dc.titleΤο παραδοσιακό πουκάμισο της ηπειρωτικής Ελλάδαςel
dc.typemasterThesis*
dc.typeinfo:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesis*
heal.typedoctoralThesisel
heal.type.enDoctoral thesisen
heal.type.elΔιδακτορική διατριβήel
heal.dateAvailable2023-06-07T11:22:53Z-
heal.languageelel
heal.accessfreeel
heal.recordProviderΠανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων. Φιλοσοφική Σχολήel
heal.publicationDate1980-
heal.abstractIntroduction This paper, which forms part of a planned general study of traditional Greek costume, is in two parts. The first part contains a brief historical and geographical survey of the traditional women’s chemise (poukamiso) in mainland Greece from the point of view of its form, materials and decoration. In the second part there are descriptions of some typical examplesfrom more or less all parts of the Greek world, from which it is clear that this garment had important associations with the major turning-points in a person's life (birth, marriage and death) and with other activities too, such as adoption, augury, folk medicine, and so on. The work is based mainly on bibliographical sources and the very extensive collection of manuscripts (nearly all unpublished) of the Department of Folklore at the University of Athens, as well as my own field research and interviews with suitable, for the purpose of this work, people. Since the poukamiso' is descended from two much older garments, the chiton and the dalmatic — or so at least I believe — I decided that the work would not be complete without a brief survey of their evolution from the time of their first appearance up to the middle of the seventeenth century, when secular and clerical dress started developing along different lines. In all probability it was at this time, too, that modern Greek costume began to acquire its definitiveform. The sources available for the study of the period up to 1453, apart from written tradition, include all kinds of works of art such as sculptures, mosaics, wall- paintings in catacombs and churches, illuminated manuscripts and Coptic chitons. The gaps in our knowledge of developments from then until the beginning of the I. The word poukamiso is used of garments worn by both men and women. This paper is basically concerned with the women's poukamiso, a chemise, shift or underdress, but since reference is sometimes made to the men's poukamiso, or shirt, it seems more correct to use the transliteratedform of the Greek word whenever it is used to denote the men's garment or with neutral meaning. 167 nineteenth century can be filled in, at least as far as tha basic features of the gar ments are concerned, by a study of clerical dress — both liturgical vestments and everyday wear — because owing to the conservatism of the clergy, its attire has remained more or less unchanged from the Early Christian period right up to the present day. Since secular dress (both men’s and women’s) followed the pattern of clerical attire in every respect until the mid-seventeenth century and in some respects from then until the early nineteenth century, one can obviously learn a great deal from these garments about the form and decoration of modern Greek costume in general and of the poukamiso in particular. Part I. General In view of the fact that the chemise forms a basic part of every modern Greek costume, the paper starts with a general survey of the garment as worn in all parts of Greece, islands as well as mainland. Two distinct types of chemise are to be found in Greece, and the differences between them are discussed in the next section. The first type, in which the garment consists of two separate pieces, a closefitting bodice and a ruffled er fUfaml skirt, which may be full or relatively narrow, is common in those districts (chiefly the islands) which at some time in their history were brought into contact with the West, either through peaceful intercourse or by war. What is significant about these chemises is that although western influence is apparent in their cut. they have never abandoned the traditional Byzantine style of decoration. The second type of chemise found in most parts of the mainland, is very closely connected to the Roman dalmatic and is the subject of this paper. Since western influence was very limited in mainland Greece, both the form and the decoration of this type of chemise show an unbroken continuity of tradition stretching back to late Roman times, at least as far as it is possible to judgefrom the surviving examples. In its simplest form it consists of a central panel, which makes up the front and the back parts of the chemise andfour straight - sided or tapered narrow panels at the sides to give freedom of movement. As mentioned above, the continuity of the Roman - Byzantine tradition is evident not only in the shape of the garment but also in the design of the decorated strips around the hem, neck and cuffs, which are almost identical with those on the ancient chiton and dalmatic. Two particularly striking examples must suffice here to illustrate the continuity of decorative styles: the vertical bands of embroidery found on the chemises of many parts of Central Greece and the Peloponnese must surely be descended from the Roman clavi, and the various woven or embroidered motifs (such as lozenges, circles and squares) which are used to decorate many chemises in mainland Greece must be survivals of the Roman segmenta. 168 At the end of Part I there is a brief summary of the materials of which chemises are made (wool, cotton, linen, silk, etc.), the dyes used (vegetable or artificial), the decorative motifs and the techniques of decoration (i.e. whether woven in, embroidered or applique). Part II. Specific Descriptions The second part of the paper contains detailed descriptions of the chemises found in the various regions of mainland Greece, with reference to the materials used, the cut of the garment, the colours, decorative motifs, local variants and so on. The regions covered are Thrace (including districts of Bulgarian and Turkish Thrace which used to be inhabited by Greeks), Macedonia, Epiros (including Northern Epiros, now part of Albania), Thessaly, Central Greece and the Peloponnese. For the sake of completeness I have also included the chemises worn by Sarakatsan women, because the Sarakatsani, an ancient tribe of Greek nomads, used to cover virtually all parts of mainland Greece in the course of their seasonal migrations, and consequently they borrowed elementsfrom the local costumes of all the communities with which they regularly came into contact. Coniusion The description of the chemise in mainland Greece is followed by a typological resume of all the particulars given in Part II. This should be a useful aid to readers who do not have time to work their way through all the detailed information in each individual section when they want to look something up. The next chapter is concerned with the ways in which the poukamiso (men’s, women’s and chiltren’s) is directly associated with the various stages in a person's life and with a variety of human activities. Attention is directed first towards several striking examples of practices which clearly illustrate the peren nial tendency of the socially underprivileged to strive for acceptance into a more exalted class, a tendency which is particularly strong among the Greeks. There follows a discussion of the significance of the chemise in a bride’s dowry and of the now obsolete custom (formerly universal in Greece) whereby a married woman would keep one of the chemises from her dowry as a burial garment. Then there are some interesting observations on the interplay ofcultural influences between neigh bouring villages: differences of costume are often attributable simply to a desire to be different, a desire that sometimes went to extreme lengths, as for example in cases where parents did not allow their children to marry into a village whose in habitants wore a local costume different from their own. Next there is a section on the two commonest colours of the chemise, red and white. Red was usually used for bridal and festal chemises, which may be a survival from very ancient customs and beliefs. As far as it is possible to judge 169 from the surviving evidence, the prevalence of white may be connected with the fact that the chemise was often regarded as being a substitute for the actual body of its owner, partly because it was one of the basic items of a woman's dress and also because it was the only garment that was in contact with the wearer’s whole body. Chiefly for these two reasons, the chemise not only helped to give rise to certain superstitions but was also the subject of numerous beliefs directly connected with the personality of its wearer. For instance, it is only if one accepts this equation (chemise = body) that it is possible to explain the reasoning behind certain magic spells directed against girls who were about to be married, in which the chemise was the principal instrument of witchcraft. One such practice was to cut holes in the bride’s wedding chemise in order to make her bear nothing but daughters, or to bring a serious illness upon her or even to make her die. One antidote to these spells, regarded as highly effective in many parts of Greece, was for the bride to wear two chemises, one of which had to be either unwashed or worn inside out. Similarly, one has to accept the chemise's intimate association with the body in order to explain certain decorative motifs that were widely used to adorn bridal chemises, such as cockerels, partridges and heavily-seeded pine cones. AU of these were symbols offertility, which was thus transmitted to the bride-to-be. Further evidence of the importance of the chemise is to be found in the customs relating to the giving of wedding presents, for only the closest relatives were allowed to give or receive as wedding presents a chemise or a kerchief (which, when given as a present, was a recognised substitute for a chemise). The poukamiso also had interesting associations with new - born babies. In many parts of Greece, as soon as a baby was born it was passed through either the father's or the mother’s poukamiso, to make it grow up strong and healthy. Quite possibly this superstitious practice was intended to deceive the evil spirits and at the same time to transmit bodily vigour from the robust parent to the helpless infant. However, it may also have been a symbolic way of recognising the legitimacy and legal status of the new addition to the family, because it is very similar to the ritual that used to be performed at adoption ceremonies carried out in accordance with the old customary law, at which the child was passed through the poukamiso of the adoptive father or mother, the garment in this case serving as a surrogate for the adoptive parent’s actual body. The poukamiso also played a part in augury and folk medicine, and several typical examples of both are cited in this paper. When a woman reached the end of the seventh month of pregnancy she would cut up an old poukamiso of her husband’s to make a smaller one for the new baby, and when in was finished she would throw it up in the air: if it landed with the buttons down the bady would be a boy, other-wise it would be a girl. When a child was very ill the 170 father or mother would throw his or her poukamiso into a spring of holy water: if it floated the child would live, if it sank the child would die. It used to be a universal custom among the Greeks for a sick child to be taken to church and there stripped and dressed in new clothes, the old clothes being left in the church in the belief that the illness would be left behind with them. In all parts of the Greek world healing powers were attributed to any poukamiso that was woven and made up in one day: it was considered to be effective both in averting the death of a child born to a woman with a history of stillbirths and in curing illnesses, and it was also regarded as an excellent prophy lactik against endemic diseases. Treatment of illnesses with the poukamiso as the principal healing agency was not confined only to human beings: one way of using it to treat sick animals involved taking a poukamiso belonging to a firstborn child whose parents were both still alive, and passing the garment over the animal’s belly. The chapter ends with a discussion of the frequent references to the pouka miso in folk poetry, proverbs, riddles, tongue-twisters, curses and oaths. To round off the work there are a glossary of idiomatic terms and proper names, an index of place names,a bibliography and 243 illustrations. 171en
heal.advisorNameΜερακλής, Μιχαήλel
heal.committeeMemberNameΜερακλής, Μιχαήλel
heal.committeeMemberNameΜαραγκού, Λίλαel
heal.academicPublisherΠανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων. Φιλοσοφική Σχολή. Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίαςel
heal.academicPublisherIDuoiel
heal.numberOfPages243 σ.el
heal.fullTextAvailabilitytrue-
Appears in Collections:Διδακτορικές Διατριβές - ΙΣΤ

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